The new year opened with the United States committing an extrajudicial assassination in a foreign country by drone. I’m not talking about the January 3, 2020 rocket attack that killed Iranian general Qasem Soleimani. I’m talking about the January 1, 2019 drone strike that killed Jamal Al Badawi, an alleged Al Qaeda plotter, in Yemen.
The U.S. carrying out assassinations from
above — without trial, without warning — is nothing new.
What was different about the killing of Al
Badawi was that the U.S. military was public about it, announcing the killing via Twitter on
For years, activists, journalists, scholars,
and others have been calling for transparency regarding the notoriously
clandestine Defense Department and CIA-run drone programs. How one ends up on
the lists of people targeted, to whom one appeals to get off of such a list,
where the drones are based, and even when they strike are matters that were
shrouded in secrecy during the Bush and Obama administrations.
That’s largely remained true under Trump — in
fact, it’s even more
difficult to get information about civilian casualties now. But
here was an example of an assassination by drone being done in the open.
Presumably, the reason to have more
information about the drone war is so the people running it can be held
accountable for their actions. And yet, given the opportunity to ask questions
about the New Year’s Day attack, precious few were asked by Congress or the
Today, as we spiral perilously toward direct
military confrontation between the U.S. and Iran, it is worth reflecting on the
failures to rein in Trump’s aggression along the way. Given the obvious signs
that Trump has been keen to escalate the United States’ many wars — and begin
new ones — the complicity of other institutions in Trump’s belligerence,
particularly Congress, is stunning.
Crickets from Congress
Trump’s unilateral withdrawal from — and efforts
to destroy — the nuclear deal sparked a predictable trajectory of escalating
tensions between the U.S. and Iran. Many have pointed that out, most recently
former National Security Adviser Susan Rice. What we
need to examine more deeply are the decisions between then and now that enabled
Trump to pursue such a path.
At several key junctures, lawmakers simply
failed to challenge acts of U.S. aggression carried out without even a pretense
of accountability, as when Amnesty International documented the fact that the
U.S. killed civilians in its escalating air war in Somalia, in a report that received too little
attention. Or when journalists reported that the
U.S.-led siege against ISIS in the Syrian city of Raqqa was devastating for
civilians of that city — whom the U.S. then abandoned, after saying it
would help rebuild.
Other times, lawmakers and other officials
did raise their voices in opposition to Trump’s foreign policy moves — by
saying that he wasn’t committed enough to pursuing U.S. wars. Such
was the response when Trump announced that he was withdrawing troops from the
Turkish border with Syria. Critics advocated
maintaining the open-ended military presence throughout Syria.
But we don’t even have to look back that far.
On December 9 — barely a month ago —
the Washington Post began publishing a series of articles known
as the Afghanistan
Papers, which documented years of lies by U.S. officials and
catastrophes caused by U.S. actions in its 18-year occupation of that country.
Two weeks later, the New York Times released documents and video,
principally testimony from U.S. Navy SEALs, that confirmed the unmistakable
war crimes committed by Navy SEAL chief Eddie Gallagher, who
had been recently acquitted of the most serious charges — and pardoned by the
Here were the major newspapers of record
running front-page coverage of serious abuses people should be called to
account for. Yet where were the congressional hearings?
Instead of taking steps toward that
accountability, Congress did the opposite: It passed a new $738 billion
military spending bill, effectively approving and fueling the wars. Despite
vocal condemnation of the bill from California Democrats Ro Khanna and Barbara
Lee, just 41 House Democrats voted against it, compared to 188 who joined
Republicans in passing it.
Among the provisions that Khanna called
attention to for being stripped away from the legislation that passed: an
amendment he sponsored that denied the president authority to wage war on Iran.
In a national address today, Trump threatened
even more sanctions against Iran. As his rhetoric becomes more belligerent
— and as he deploys even more troops to
the Middle East to set the stage for attacks on Iran — members of
Congress’ calls to bring the
president into compliance with the War Powers Act are certainly welcome. But
the questions that lawmakers are raising now, after the U.S. has already
committed an act of war in assassinating Soleimani in Iraq, run contrary to
their actions up to this point.
Going into the new year, Congress had already
sent the message that Trump and the Pentagon could do whatever they please. And
whatever misgivings members of Congress have about military attacks on Iran,
the body has supported the
sanctions imposed on that country by the United States — which have been disastrous for the Iranian population, and which act as
precursors to war.
The so-called War on Terror is completely out
of control. What is needed is for the widespread opposition in the U.S. to the
wars waged in our names—including attacking
Iran — to be turned into a fighting resistance.
We have seen mass protest under Trump—even in
its brief moments—have significant impacts. The Women’s Marches may not have
ended sexual violence, but they, along with the #MeToo and #TimesUp campaigns,
opened the most wide reaching and serious conversations about gender-based
abuse in recent memory, and some high profile abusers have been made to account
for their actions. (Even a UN convention was passed,
though the U.S. hasn’t ratified it.) The spontaneous, mass mobilizations to
airports against Trump’s Muslim Ban set back those plans for a time as well.
We need to extend that resistance to a U.S.
military machine that’s moving like a runaway train, undeterred by the human
costs of its destruction, or even the apparent lack of a strategy from a
Popular power matters. There was, in fact, a
moment where there was a conversation in Congress about ending U.S. support for
Saudi Arabia’s cataclysmic war in Yemen — a war that has only been made
possible with U.S. weapons, intelligence, and other forms of support. Despite
votes in both houses to stop that assistance, Trump was able to veto the
legislation, and the moment passed.
What if there had been mass actions in the
streets? Could that effort have been pushed over the line?
We need to ask these questions, and imagine
the answers. In doing so, we will be joining in solidarity with various efforts
in the Middle East to challenge governments and the foreign powers —
particularly the United States — backing them.
After all, the news that dominated headlines
out of Iraq for the months prior to the U.S. assassination of Soleimani was
that Iraqis were mobilizing en masse against
a government whose origins lie in the 2003 U.S. invasion and subsequent
occupation, and whose forces are armed and trained by billions of dollars in
U.S. aid. (There were Iraqi protests that also
targeted Iranian influence in the country.)
In fact, focusing on the movements of people
throughout the Middle East, Africa, and Central Asia who find themselves in the
crosshairs of the War on Terror must be essential to a movement here that
challenges U.S. wars. Imagine the power, for example, of massive U.S. rallies
coinciding with the movement inside Iraq to remove U.S. troops from the
country. Imagine if more members of the U.S. Congress were compelled to follow
Iraq’s parliament in calling for those soldiers to come home.
Behind every Baghdadi
For the few conversations that do take place
about our wars, it’s distressingly typical for the people having them forget
about the people bearing the brunt of those wars.
After the October 26 killing of ISIS leader
Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi, for example, Defense Department officials held a press
conference at the Pentagon. You can read the transcript. Journalists in
the room asked two questions about the storied dog who assisted in the killing
operation, and several more about the prospect of U.S. personnel securing
Syrian oil fields.
The reporters in the room didn’t ask a single
question about whether others besides Al Baghdadi, including civilians, were
wounded or killed in the mission.
Thankfully, other journalists did ask. NPR
reporters learned that in the same raid where Baghdadi was killed, the Syrian
farmer Barakat Ahmad Barakat saw his two friends killed by U.S. rockets—and his
own hand severed from his body—as they were caught up in the attack while
driving in van.
The three farmers were unarmed. Aside from
the trauma of being maimed and seeing his friends killed, Barakat’s work is
impossible without his hand. His life as he knew it ended.
Behind every “bad guy” like Baghdadi are
masses of ordinary people suffering the endless grind of war—a grind that this
country has made ever more brutal, with ever fewer constraints or
accountability from the U.S. political system.
It is crucial that we are all talking about
Iran now, as we stand on the verge of a new chapter of catastrophes—and work to
prevent it. But the killing and destruction of the War on Terror is happening
around the world, every day. The lack of attention to it is part of what keeps it
going, and sets the stage for the current situation involving Iran, Iraq, and
the United States.
The truth is, these wars are criminal, and
any conversation about them that doesn’t center the people most impacted is
unacceptable. That conversation won’t start in the U.S. government. Instead, it
must be raised by those of us outraged by wars that have devastated
generations, and who believe that people from Somalia to Afghanistan, and now
to Iran—indeed, all of us—deserve a better world.
- KHURY PETERSEN-SMITH is
the Michael Ratner Middle East Fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies